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Let’s enhance the experience of the building of socialism in USSR, of the first world wave of the proletarian revolution (1917-1976) and the current work of the first socialist countries, namely of People’s Republic of China, in order to promote the rebirth of Conscious and Organised Communist Movement in imperialist countries and to advance the second world wave of proletarian revolution!

Avviso ai naviganti (Notice to sailors) No. 129

September 2, 2023

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Edizioni Rapporti Sociali has resumed the publication of Opere di Stalin (Stalin's Works)

The CC of the (new)ICP is pleased to announce to the tens of thousands of recipients of this Notice to sailors that Edizioni Rapporti Sociali (ERS, Social Relations Publishing) has resumed the publication of Opere di Stalin (Stalin's Works) in Italian, with the intention of completing it in the next future. Volume 12 of the Opere (Works), a co-edition of ERS and PGreco Publishing was on sale at the Festa della Riscossa Popolare (People’s Rescue National Festival) in Massa (Thursday 27 - Sunday 30 July 2023) promoted by the CARC Party. Volume 12 (€ 24) can be ordered from the ERS and is available at the CARC Party branches as well as in the commercial circuit of the bookshops supplied by PGreco.

Volume 12 contains writings and speeches of Stalin relating to the period April 1929-June 1930, the climax of the Great Crisis of 1929, the first general crisis of the world imperialist system, at least those collected by the Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute (IMEL) in its 16-volume Russian publication plan drawn up and implemented in 1946-1954.

The events relating to the publication of writings, speeches, letters and other works of Stalin (1879-1953) in the USSR and in other countries and languages are illustrated in detail in the Avvertenza al lettore (Notice to readers, pages 19-21) of volume 12. Edizioni Rinascita (Renaissance Publishing) of Italian Communist Party in 1949 began publication in Italian in accordance with the IMEL project and interrupted it in 1956 at volume 10 (August-December 1927) following the advent of the modern revisionists to power in the USSR sanctioned by the XX Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Edizioni Nuova Unità (New Unity Publishing) in 1973 published the translation of volume 11 (January 1928 - March 1929) of IMEL. The ERS in 1998 began the publication of the 16 volumes of the IMEL project, but interrupted it in 2001 at volume 5 due to the persecution carried out by the governments (first Amato and then Berlusconi) of the Broad Agreements (“Larghe Intese” in Italian) of the Papal Republic.

We are therefore pleased to announce the resumption of the publication of the 16 IMEL volumes of Opere di Stalin (Stalin's Works) and we ask every organization and supporter of the Caravan of the (n)ICP to foster in every way the publication, dissemination and presentation of the Works. The Avvertenza al lettore (Notice to the reader, pages 19-21 of volume 12) illustrates in detail the availability of Stalin's books, writings, speeches and letters in Italian. The Presentazione (Introduction, pages 9-18 of volume 12) illustrates in an excellent way the aims of the ERS of the P.CARC: these are ours too.

The denigration of Stalin and his work is a current and essential part of the manipulation of the ideas and feelings of the popular masses promoted by the bourgeoisie and the clergy. In the groups, bodies and representatives of the bourgeois left and of the Conscious and Organized Communist Movement, it is a widespread manifestation of intellectual subordination to the bourgeoisie. Not by chance. Stalin was a nightmare for the bourgeoisie. The practical work that he directed after Lenin's retirement due to illness and then his death, at the head of the Communist International but above all at the head of the Soviet Union, marked the course of history. The particular lines and concrete measures into which, over the course of more than 30 years Stalin translated the conception of the world that Marx and Engels and then Lenin had elaborated, have marked the history of humanity. The bourgeoisie and the clergy, the imperialist bourgeoisie in particular, can only try to make Stalin forget and denigrate him. But his work is history!

For us Italian communists, who must promote the socialist revolution in our country and contribute to the rebirth of the Conscious and Organized Communist Movement in the imperialist countries, it is instructive to study how Stalin was able to translate step by step the general of Marxism-Leninism into the particular of the transformation of the "weak link" of the imperialist chain, the Tsarist Empire, in the first socialist country in history and in the world red base of the proletarian revolution, leading the Soviet popular masses to face victoriously the first three aggressions with which all the imperialist groups tried to "stifle the child while it is still in the cradle" (to use the synthetic expression with which W. Churchill illustrated the task of the imperialist groups, their political representatives and their intellectual spokesmen).

Promote the class struggle against the bourgeoisie in the former Tsarist Empire, lead the advanced part of the popular masses to take over the leadership of the whole country, wage a flexible but uncompromising struggle against the bearers of bourgeois influence in the ranks of the Communist Party, promote the establishment of communist parties and fostering revolutionary mobilization in the colonial and semi-colonial countries were the parts of the work that Stalin carried out successfully. The formation of successors in the leadership of the CPSU and the promotion of the socialist revolution in the imperialist countries constitute the limits of his work. From his writings and speeches we can and must learn. Mao Tze-tung drew universal lessons from Stalin's work, also from the defeat that the work that Stalin had directed suffered in the face of the fourth aggression of which the Soviet Union was the target, the aggression in which the modern revisionists (led by Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Gorbachev) combined with the heirs and successors of W. Churchill until reaching the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. Volume 20 of the Opere di Mao Tse-tung (Works of Mao Tze-tung) (ERS) contains various texts expressly devoted to the summation of Stalin's work.

Stalin's thirty years of work demonstrates that the determining factor of our defeats in the historic clash between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie that now determines the history of humanity is not the strength of the bourgeoisie, but the combination of limitations and errors of the Communist Party. For the purposes of victory in the protracted revolutionary people's war that we communists must promote and direct the Italian popular masses to wage, this is in summary the lesson that we must draw from the history of the Soviet Union.

For more details, we invite the recipients of this Avviso ai naviganti to read the Introduction of volume 12 of Opere di Stalin (Stalin's Works) we have already published on our Facebook page on August 22, 2023 and that we propose in the following.

Long live to the work of Stalin and Communist Party of Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)!

Long live to the Caravan of (new)Italian Communist Party!

Forward on the long march to make Italy a new socialist country!


Presentazione delle Opere di Stalin (Introduction of Stalin's Works), volume 12

In 1998, when we began the publication of Opere di Stalin (Stalin's Works) (later interrupted in 2001, after the first five volumes), we had pointed out the purposes that we set ourselves with it.

The main purpose that Edizioni Rapporti Sociali aims at with the publication of Opere di Stalin (Stalin's Works) is to provide communists, other revolutionaries and advanced workers with an indispensable tool for assimilating the teachings of the experience of the first wave of the proletarian revolution (1917-1976), namely of the October Revolution and the building of the first socialist country, the Soviet Union. [...] The first wave of the proletarian revolution [...] has achieved great results, even if it has not achieved the definitive overcoming of capitalism and has ebbed when the first general crisis of capitalism has passed into a period of recovery of capital accumulation and new general expansion of economic activities (1945-1975). The main results of the first wave of the proletarian revolution were: the first victorious revolutions, the building of the first socialist countries, the establishment of communist parties almost all over the world with a huge development of their experience and their influence, the liquidation of the old colonial system. [...] The understanding that the protagonists had of the ongoing processes, the purposes they set for themselves and the lines and methods with which they tried to lead the course of events are summarized at the highest level, to an important extent, in Stalin's writings. Their study, together with the study of the works of Lenin and Mao Tze-tung and in the light of what happened subsequently up to the present day, will allow us to distinguish the great heritage of experience which must be safeguarded from the errors which must be avoided and from the limits which must be overcome. The defeats that the communist movement suffered in the second half of our century, the corruption and erosion of the socialist countries up to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the recolonization underway in most of the semi-colonial countries, the elimination of the achievements wrested by the popular masses under the direction of the communist parties, up to the current state of suffering, devastation and war linked to the predominance regained by the imperialist bourgeoisie and its new general crisis, make understanding and valuing the experience of the first wave of the proletarian revolution an indispensable component of the rebirth of the conscious and organized communist movement.

Secondly, we aim to provide the new generation of communists with an important part of the theoretical heritage of the communist movement.

Many of the themes, proposals and theories that the bourgeoisie throws at the feet of advanced workers and revolutionaries to get in their way as postmodern, new, very modern discoveries are in reality a rehashing of theses and proposals that the communist movement had criticized theoretically and surpassed even practically during the first wave of the proletarian revolution. Stalin is an acute polemicist, capable of leading the reader to study the several aspects of the theme he deals with and to fully understand its nature and the solution dictated by the experience also known to the reader.

Thirdly, we propose to counter the denigration of the communist movement and in particular of the building of socialism in the USSR and of the Resistance against Nazi-fascism which, together with the re-evaluation of Fascism, Francoism, Nazism and all the reactionary old junk (from Dalai Lama to the Vatican), are the spiritual aspect of the practical movement of elimination of the achievements that the workers and the popular masses wrested from the bourgeoisie, in every country of the world, within the framework of the communist movement until the mid-1970s. The resistance of the popular masses to the liquidation of the achievements, i.e. the defense of the achievements and the attack on the regime of the imperialist bourgeoisie, must necessarily also have its ideological aspect. The publication of Opere di Stalin (Stalin's Works) ranks in it. The persistence of the bourgeoisie in denigrating Stalin, the Communist International and the work done by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) and the Soviet state before 1956 is the measure of the damage that has been done to it. Communists must first escape the intoxication of consciences and the alteration of events to which the imperialist bourgeoisie must resort to safeguard its interests.

Fourthly, the publication of Opere di Stalin (Stalin's Works) also wants to be a tribute to communist men and women, to workers, to the partisans who fought victoriously and heroically against Nazi-fascism, under the "banner of Stalin", i.e. in the alignment promoted by the Communist International, the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks).

These purposes are valid even today. So it is also true, today as yesterday, that ours is not a "critical edition" of Stalin's texts, a more or less erudite and "objective" presentation of his work, it does not aim at the "defense of Stalin" or even at the "reconstruction of truth" to contrast with the river of ink poured by bourgeois propaganda on the "crimes of Stalin and Stalinism". Ours wants to be an honestly and openly communist edition, aimed at highlighting the newness of Stalin's texts for the purposes of the ongoing struggle, at providing a fighting tool for the new communist young blood so that it successfully fulfill its historical task. A little over a hundred years after the October Revolution, the founding of the Communist International and the proclamation of the USSR, a new great upheaval is in fact taking place all over the world. The US-NATO war against the Russian Federation underway in Ukraine and the provocations against the People's Republic of China, the Covid-19 pandemic, climate change and the devastation of the planet, the growing misery (even in the richest countries, the imperialist ones), confirm that imperialism is the era of socialist revolution and the decline of bourgeois society. It is impossible to understand the common thread of world history of the last 180 years if we do not understand that at its basis there is the struggle of the popular masses and in particular of the working class to establish socialism (the road to communism), the struggle of the oppressed peoples by the imperialist bourgeoisie to free itself from its domination, the struggle of the bourgeoisie to bar the way of the popular masses of both the imperialist countries and the oppressed countries, the struggle of the capitalist groups against each other because each must first increase its capital. The spiral of misery, pollution and war into which the imperialist bourgeoisie has dragged the whole world since, following the exhaustion of the first wave of the proletarian revolution (1917-1976) and the consequent decline of the communist movement, it took back the domination of the world, makes the establishment of socialism and the transition to communism indispensable not only for the progress of humanity, but also for its survival. The task of the communists of every country is to transform the general disorder and indignation of the popular masses into a war aimed at a precise purpose: to put an end to the domination of the imperialist bourgeoisie, to the capitalist mode of production and to the systems which are based on it and establish socialist regimes. Even if the first socialist countries have finally collapsed, there is no other way out of the new general crisis of capitalism and the catastrophe which the maneuvers of the bourgeoisie and the clergy are burdening humanity with to preserve their privileges, despite the crisis of social and international relations' system of which they are the expression.

Using Stalin's writings to accomplish this historic task requires three warnings to readers. They are highlighted in the presentation of the texts that "prepared the ground" for the resumption of the publication of Opere di Stalin (Stalin's Works): Storia del Partito Comunista (bolscevico) dell’URSS (History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik)), published in 2018 by the ERS in collaboration with Red Star Press, the collection L’uomo è il capitale più prezioso (Man is the most valuable capital), published in 2021 by the (new)Italian Communist Party and finally Questioni del leninismo (Problems of Leninism), published by the ERS in 2022 again in collaboration with Red Star Press.

But we recall them because of their importance.

1. Stalin's writings are an expression of the work accomplished by the Bolshevik Party to mobilize, practically and on a large scale, millions of slaves and the conceptions and habits connected to them, the result of a thousand-year history of class division, to create social relations and conceptions based on the association of workers who increasingly carried out the lead over their activities and (over) themselves, thus marching step by step towards the communist society.

How far did they go in accomplishing this task before reversing direction? How did they get there, through what measures, institutions and movements? Studied from this point of view, Stalin's writings are a great and current source of teaching for the tasks that await us in this stage of the rebirth of the communist movement. Marco Martinengo's booklet I primi paesi socialisti (The First Socialist Countries), published by the ERS in 2003, is a good example of how to read and what to look for in Stalin's writings. On the other hand, focusing attention on the individual Stalin, on his characteristics and role rather than on the experience of the first socialist countries is the common trait of the bourgeois who deal with the USSR and of those who, due to their conception of the world, remain in the sphere of bourgeois influence, even if they honestly set out to "defend Stalin" and "reconstruct the truth". The bourgeoisie has a strongly individualistic conception of history: even if it has recognized that the history of men is not made by God, it remains firm in the conviction that, for better or for worse, it is made by great personalities. So for it the USSR and the rest of the first socialist countries are the creation of the great characters who lead them. The Marxist conception of history recognizes that there are differences in the roles played by individuals in history. And Stalin had a great role in the experience of the first socialist countries. He headed the communist party of the first and most important socialist country for about thirty years. From one corner of the world to the other, he has personified the hopes, passions and initiatives that the USSR aroused and nourished among the oppressed classes and peoples throughout most of the past century: for decades "doing as in Russia" was the light that illuminated the lives of millions of oppressed men and women and the threat that disturbed the life of the bourgeoisie, the nobles, the clergy and the rich in general. But it is possible to rightly identify the different roles of individuals, even the most important ones, only on the basis of an understanding of the characteristics of the social movement in which they operated. It is no coincidence that since it entered the imperialist stage the bourgeoisie has shied away from examining the concrete social context and finding in the relationship with it the meaning of the actions of individuals: because if we ask ourselves what role they had in solving the fundamental problems of their era, the negative role of even the most celebrated representatives of the bourgeoisie comes to light.

2. After the dissolution of the USSR, in his The End of History and the Last Man (1992) Francis Fukuyama argued, and claimed to "demonstrate", that "socialism cannot exist because without private interest the economy does not develop". The experience of the USSR and the rest of the first socialist countries, despite the backwardness of the starting conditions, shows in a thousand ways what the popular masses are capable of, freed from the chains and brakes set by capitalist exploitation, by the private ownership of companies, by the profit of the bosses as an engine of work activity, by the law of competition. In other words, what are they capable of in a society in which the workers do not work to enrich the boss but for the collective well-being, in which health, integrity, well-being, dignity and economic, intellectual and moral progress of the workers and their families, men and women in general, the conservation and improvement of the environment and other conditions of human life are purposes systematically pursued, not an "unbearable cost". Job security and security of receiving the goods and services necessary for life have combined with a fervor of practical activities, a flourishing of intellectual activities and a dedication to social service which, together, have made strength and progress whose the first socialist countries bore witness, as long as they played their role as beacon and basis for the creation of the new humanity, as the red basis of the world proletarian revolution.

3. Stalin's writings must be seen in the context (1) of the aggression, whose the USSR was the target, of all the imperialist powers and of all bourgeois and reactionary groups, from large to small, including the Vatican (which in August 1929 in Rome created the Russicum, managed by the Jesuits, to train spies and saboteurs to infiltrate the USSR) and (2) of the class struggle underway in the USSR.

The aggressions. The Soviet state, which arose in 1917 under the leadership of the Communist Party (guided) first by Lenin and then by Stalin, had to face, and succeeded in doing so, three successive aggressions by the imperialist powers whose line Churchill summarized with "to stifle the child while still in the cradle": the first was military (1918-1921); the second was lead with sanctions, boycotts, plots and murders of Soviet leaders (1922-1940); the third (1941-1945) led by Hitlerite Germany was military. The fourth, the "cold war" launched by Churchill in 1946 and led by the US, ended with the dissolution of the USSR in the period 1989-1991. The argument that the dissolution of the USSR was caused by aggression, by the force of the USA and NATO and by the direct activity of the groups and powers of the world imperialist system distorts the real course of things in favor of the bourgeoisie. This argument is recurrent in all the analysis authored by those that do not use dialectical materialism in analyzing the course of things and are influenced by the bourgeoisie, including those of them who declare themselves communists. The dissolution of the USSR was the result of the long period, first of attenuation of the revolutionary momentum and then of economic, social and political decadence triggered in Soviet society by the turning point imprinted by the advent in 1956 of the modern revisionists at the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), first with Khrushchev and then with Brezhnev: the history of the USSR is not a single whole from 1917 to 1991!

The class struggle in the USSR. Opposition to the establishment and building of socialism in Russia was widespread in the socialist movement and even in the upper echelons of the Bolshevik Party even before October 1917. It subsequently worsened because the existence and successes of the USSR were the living demonstration of the moral and intellectual wretchedness of the socialists of all schools and of all those in the world who professed themselves revolutionaries and did not make the revolution. The personal and family ties between the wealthy and educated classes of the USSR and the bourgeois countries were extensive even before the October Revolution and multiplied with emigration. There were countless communication channels and the Soviet power rightly tried to use them: therefore it could not simply cut them. That out of a population which in 1939 amounted to 170 million, the reaction could make use of an audience of a few million men among the richest, wealthiest, most cultured, authoritative and capable of organizing and plotting part of the population for its plots, is obvious. That the Soviet power had therefore to wage a fierce and relentless struggle against this very side is obvious. That the people and social strata affected by the Soviet power raised loud cries and made them resound throughout the world is what the bourgeoisie, the clergy, the reactionary classes do and have the means to do, while workers and oppressed peoples are voiceless, their sufferings are habitual and fatal, they make no history!

Once the first aggression was rejected (1917-1921) and given the failed establishment of socialism in the imperialist countries, the communists had to fulfill the task of economic reconstruction of Russia and the other Soviet republics and of building a system of modern productive forces (in the industry, agriculture and transport) in an economically and culturally backward country: it was clear that without this the new Soviet state would sooner or later have been stifled by the imperialist powers. Between 1921 and 1941, in just twenty years and under conditions of "cold aggression", the Soviet Union built the modern productive forces that the bourgeoisie had built in Europe, North America and Japan: it therefore built a productive system that even the bourgeoisie could build on its own. Consequently, two lines collided in the building of socialism in the Soviet Union. The left of the party placed the creation of modern productive forces in the context of the transition from capitalism to communism: its line consisted in achieving the task by focusing mainly on the extension and elevation of the communist movement and on promoting the growing participation of the popular masses in the management of the associated life: political activities, planning and research, social relationships, artistic, cultural, sporting activities, etc. that is, to those activities (which distinguish the human species from other animal species) from which the ruling classes have constantly excluded the oppressed classes.

The right wing of the party, an expression of the influence of the bourgeoisie in the conscious and organized communist movement, initially opposed the creation of modern productive forces in Russia: some of its representatives supported the extension of the New Economic Policy (the series of concessions made in 1921 by Soviet power to mercantile and capitalist relations), others fantasizing about exporting the socialist revolution; subsequently it focused mainly on the constraint summed up in the moreover correct slogan "those who do not work do not eat" and on the violence of which the Soviet power held the monopoly.

The right therefore made the creation of modern productive forces the aim of the socialist regime, while the left made it the means to cope with assaults, to support the revolutionary socialist movement and the anti-imperialist democratic revolutions of national liberation in the world and to move towards a society in which "the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all" (Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848).

Incidentally: the People's Republic of China and the other socialist countries that were not involved in the collapse of the USSR and the people's democracies of Eastern Europe in 1989-1991 are currently in the grips of the two-line struggle illustrated above for the USSR: it is in the light of it that we can understand the class struggle going on in each of them, especially in the People's Republic of China, and the vicissitudes of their relations with the International Community of EU, US and Zionist imperialist groups and intervene fruitfully in them.

In the USSR, in the period from 1921 to 1928, the left asserted its supremacy over the right in the party with an articulated theoretical struggle which educated to Bolshevism hundreds of thousands of party members and also advanced elements of the popular masses who were not members of the party. In the following period, the so educated party mobilized the popular masses (1) to carry out with the three five-year plans (the third remained incomplete due to the aggression unleashed by Nazi Germany on June 21, 1941) the construction of a system of modern productive forces at the height of those available to the imperialist powers and beyond and (2) to act at the same time as a "red base" of the world communist movement and of the anti-imperialist, democratic revolutions of national liberation, therefore also capable of exploiting the contradictions that opposed the imperialists powers against each other, to prevent the convergence of France, the United Kingdom and the USA in the military aggression against the first socialist country, to crush the Nazi aggression and to rebuild the productive apparatus of the country between 1945 and 1952 (XIX Congress of the CPSU) after the destruction of the Nazi invasion promoted and prepared by all the imperialist groups of the world.

In this way, we count on having given the key to draw, from the study of Stalin's writings, the useful lessons for successfully carrying out the task of putting an end to the domination of the imperialist bourgeoisie and establishing socialism. Socialism is the beginning of the end of the capitalist mode of production. Its basis consists in depriving capitalist companies of the production of goods and services and entrusting it to public companies, as in past years, for a certain period, hospitals, schools and other companies managed by public authorities were. Obviously, to establish this basis it is necessary that the governance of the society be in the hands of those who want to establish it and that the workers no longer carry out their work because they are forced by poverty: today only those who cannot do without it work, work is a condemnation for the proletarians, and woe to not be condemned! Thus, socialism entails certain political, moral and cultural conditions: in short, a whole system of social relations different from the current one. Socialism is not only necessary, it is possible. In general, socialism is possible because it is no longer necessary for the mass of the population to devote the bulk of their time and energy to the production of goods and services: the division of humanity into classes is "historically outdated".

The struggle to wrest from nature what is necessary to live has always been the fundamental activity of humanity. The few who did not work lived off the masses who worked until they dropped. But those few who did not work also played a decisive role in the general development of civilization: the cultural heritage of humanity was their hunting ground. Today this is no longer necessary. Today we are able to produce as much as we decide to produce. Precisely for this reason we must consciously regulate, with good reason, what and how much to produce (as well as how to produce). Socialism in Italy today is not "everyone working for eight hours to produce as many goods and services as possible". Socialism is not the growth of the production of goods and services. Socialism is the reorganization of society so that the mass of the population participates in the management of society and in the rest of specifically human activities, in addition to each and every one doing their part in the socially decided production of goods and services: what to produce, how much to produce, how to produce.

In 1945, at the end of the Second World War, the reconstruction of the country was on the agenda. If the Italian Communist Party had made the factories (which the partisans were in control of) the centers of workers' organization and had therefore hired all the adults available, it would have laid solid foundations for the seizure of power. Then the task was the production of food, clothing and similar and the reconstruction of the country. Today this is no longer our problem. This is the part of the truth that lies in the objections of those who say that Italy is not like China or Russia of the last century.

Today in Italy, as in other imperialist countries, it is not a question of making the existing factories work at full speed, but of reorganizing the entire activity of the population: developing the sectors of activity that are lacking, creating the new ones that are needed, reducing those that have potential exceeding our needs and those of international users (solidarity, cooperation, exchange). It is not a question of making the factories work at full capacity but, however, there are also activities that need to be made to work at full capacity: health, education, adult instruction to carry out the function of parents, etc. It is a process of choices to be made in light of the knowledge we have and of everyone's interest, given that there is room for everyone.

Socialism is the start of this path. Such a thing can only be done by an authoritative government that resolutely fights the counter-revolution and pushes forward those who are further behind, promotes in every way participation in the management of social life and access to the cultural heritage of society, to the extent maximum of which everyone is capable. Because people not suddenly know how to manage, they know how to participate, they know how to use their freedom (many people fall into depression when they retire because it is work that makes them feel and be part of a group, without work they commit suicide and turn to drinking and drugs, etc.), they know how to think (school today doesn't teach how to think, people are reduced to reasoning with text messages and back and forth). It's a transformation that doesn't happen suddenly. To change the world it is necessary to advance in the class struggle's school promoted by the communist party. In Italy, as in the other imperialist countries, it is a matter of engaging all men and women, each to the maximum of his/her possibilities and abilities, to build a new world, in which production takes a small and decreasing part of everyone's time. Thus, we will move towards that "association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all", to put it in the way Marx and Engels pointed out the main features of the communist society that will succeed capitalism.

Editorial Board of Edizioni Rapporti Sociali

Milan, June 2 2023